Above: Picture of Dail Eireann

As a set off to this, the Free State should be released from its obligations under Article 5 of the Treaty, in regard to the public debt of the United Kingdom and the War Pensions. It should, however, assume the responsibility of compensating for malicious injuries, done within its territory since 1919, and must repay to the British Government all money already paid by the latter in respect of such damage. The Council of Ireland contemplated by the Act of 1920 was not to come into being, and certain services, reserved in 1920, were now to be placed under the authority of the Northern Government.
When this scheme was submitted to Dail Eireann it met with a good deal of opposition. Many deputies declared that the Nationalists of Tyrone and Fermanagh were being shame¬fully betrayed, while others considered that the advantages, supposed to be gained by the abrogation of Article 5, were unreal, since Ireland could have set against any demand made by the British Government a huge counterclaim in regard to her own overtaxation, admitted by the Financial Commission of 1897.

The British Government proclaimed the Dail, the Sinn Fein organisation, and later the Gaelic League as illegal bodies, but this produced no effect. Meetings were held ” in secret,” but really with the full knowledge of large numbers of persons, probably often also with that of the police, who had no desire to incur risks by a display of zeal. The lot of these men was indeed not an enviable one. In many parts of the country they hardly dared to venture abroad. It is scarcely to be wondered at that they, in some cases, turned on their opponents and savagely revenged themselves by destruction of property or even by murders.

Meanwhile, the appointed twelve months from the con¬clusion of the War had passed, and it was necessary that action should be taken in regard to the suspended Home Rule Bill. In December (1919), Mr. Lloyd George announced that he would introduce an Amending Bill to modify the Act passed in 1914. The provisions of this measure were intended to honour the engagements given to North-east Ulster that she should not be coerced, while, at the same time, the promise of Legislative Independence made to Nationalist Ireland should not be actually broken. There were now set up in Ireland two Parliaments, one for the six counties of Antrim, Down, Armagh, Derry, Tyrone, and Fermanagh; the other for the rest of the country. The powers of the two Parliaments would be restricted by regula¬tions,   reserving   certain   matters   to   the   jurisdiction   of   theWestminster Assembly, but their powers would be equal. 
 
This Bill was not really acceptable to any party. The two Nationalist groups resented the partition of Ireland, as well as the restricted powers of the proposed Parliaments. The Ascendancy in Ulster desired the maintenance of the Legislative Union But, while the latter declared that they would accept and work the scheme, the former announced their intention ot ignoring the Southern Parliament should it be established.
During the summer ^1920), there were murders, burnings, ambushes and riots all over Ireland. In Belfast, Catholic work¬men were driven out of their employment, and houses inhabited by Catholics burnt. As a result several thousand people were left homeless and destitute.

In other parts of Ulster the same thing happened, but ot course on  a much smaller  scale.     Southern Ireland replied  to this by a general boycott of Belfast-made goods.    On November 21 st two terrible occurrences  took place in Dublin.       In   the morning, fourteen British officers (said by the Sinn Fein party to have been employed in Secret Service work) were shot in the houses where they were staying.     Several men were afterwards arrested for this, and two were hanged, but the evidence against them  was   so   slender  that   it   seems  unlikely  that  either  was guilty.    In the afternoon of the same day a crowd, assembled in Croke Park on the outskirts of the city to witness a football match,   was fired on by  military,  who drove  up  in   armoured cars, and fifteen persons, including a woman and a child, were killed.    It was stated by the Irish Chief Secretary (Sir Hamar Greenwood),  when questioned on the matter in the House of Commons, that persons in the crowd had begun by firing on the soldiers,  but  no reliable  evidence of this was  ever produced, •while there was much evidence to the contrary.    Evidently the whole   country   was   falling   into   a   state   of   anarchy.   

Above : Irish Church From 19th Century

THE Fenian outbreak had both enraged and astonished the English people. They had believed that the Irish had no longer any cause to be dis¬contented with the rule of the British Government; that, in point of fact, they were not discontented. At first indignation was the more prominent feeling, but, when this had had time to cool, the more thoughtful began to seek an explanation, not chiefly of the actions of the Fenian themselves, but of the general sympathy with which they were regarded by huge numbers of people in every part of Ireland who had been in no way connected with the rebellion.
The most probable explanation appeared to be that there were still grievances unredressed ; the most obvious course was to endeavour to redress them.
Projects of Disestablishment existed.