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The Ascendancy in Ulster

The British Government proclaimed the Dail, the Sinn Fein organisation, and later the Gaelic League as illegal bodies, but this produced no effect. Meetings were held ” in secret,” but really with the full knowledge of large numbers of persons, probably often also with that of the police, who had no desire to incur risks by a display of zeal. The lot of these men was indeed not an enviable one. In many parts of the country they hardly dared to venture abroad. It is scarcely to be wondered at that they, in some cases, turned on their opponents and savagely revenged themselves by destruction of property or even by murders.

Meanwhile, the appointed twelve months from the con¬clusion of the War had passed, and it was necessary that action should be taken in regard to the suspended Home Rule Bill. In December (1919), Mr. Lloyd George announced that he would introduce an Amending Bill to modify the Act passed in 1914. The provisions of this measure were intended to honour the engagements given to North-east Ulster that she should not be coerced, while, at the same time, the promise of Legislative Independence made to Nationalist Ireland should not be actually broken. There were now set up in Ireland two Parliaments, one for the six counties of Antrim, Down, Armagh, Derry, Tyrone, and Fermanagh; the other for the rest of the country. The powers of the two Parliaments would be restricted by regula¬tions,   reserving   certain   matters   to   the   jurisdiction   of   theWestminster Assembly, but their powers would be equal. 
 
This Bill was not really acceptable to any party. The two Nationalist groups resented the partition of Ireland, as well as the restricted powers of the proposed Parliaments. The Ascendancy in Ulster desired the maintenance of the Legislative Union But, while the latter declared that they would accept and work the scheme, the former announced their intention ot ignoring the Southern Parliament should it be established.
During the summer ^1920), there were murders, burnings, ambushes and riots all over Ireland. In Belfast, Catholic work¬men were driven out of their employment, and houses inhabited by Catholics burnt. As a result several thousand people were left homeless and destitute.

In other parts of Ulster the same thing happened, but ot course on  a much smaller  scale.     Southern Ireland replied  to this by a general boycott of Belfast-made goods.    On November 21 st two terrible occurrences  took place in Dublin.       In   the morning, fourteen British officers (said by the Sinn Fein party to have been employed in Secret Service work) were shot in the houses where they were staying.     Several men were afterwards arrested for this, and two were hanged, but the evidence against them  was   so   slender  that   it   seems  unlikely  that  either  was guilty.    In the afternoon of the same day a crowd, assembled in Croke Park on the outskirts of the city to witness a football match,   was fired on by  military,  who drove  up  in   armoured cars, and fifteen persons, including a woman and a child, were killed.    It was stated by the Irish Chief Secretary (Sir Hamar Greenwood),  when questioned on the matter in the House of Commons, that persons in the crowd had begun by firing on the soldiers,  but  no reliable  evidence of this was  ever produced, •while there was much evidence to the contrary.    Evidently the whole   country   was   falling   into   a   state   of   anarchy.   

Scheme for the Plantation of Ulster

Meanwhile, a Commission had been appointed to consider the question of the proposed Ulster Plantation. As was to be expected, they found that the lands of six counties—Tyrone, Armagh, Coleraine (Derry), Donegal, Fermanagh and Cavan—were justly forfeit to the Crown. This great area was not, however, to be entirely cleared of its Irish inhabitants. According to a report made in 1611, the amount of land confiscated was 503,458 acres But as only land considered arable was reckoned, and as frauds and false descriptions were frequent, it is quite impossible to say what acreage this really represented.

 

The error which had been made in the Munster Plantation, of giving to individuals huge estates, which they could neither cultivate themselves nor find a sufficiency of suitable tenants to occupy, was here to be avoided. The land was divided into lots of 2,000, 1,500 and 1,000 acres, and these lots were to be assigned to be occupied to persons of three classes. The Undertakers, on whom most of the largest lots were bestowed, were ordinary colonists, either English or Scotch. They were not permitted to take Irish tenants.

Legislation of the Parliament

King James I Picture

Above : King James I, King Of The Time

In October, 1614, the Parliament reassembled, and the Members now seemed disposed to work together amicably. The Catholic party was even anxious to gain the favour of the Government by adopting a deferential and submissive attitude. When a Bill for the attainder of Tyrone, Tirconnell and the rest of the fugitive chiefs was introduced, no voice was raised in their defence, although, in point of fact, nothing save that they had quitted the country without obtaining permission to do so from the King or the Lord Deputy, had been proved against them. The passage of this Bill without protest through the Irish Houses gave great satisfaction to the Government. It was expected that foreign princes, who might think of taking up the cause of the exiles, would be discouraged by what appeared a proof that they would be likely to meet, in their native country, with little or no support.

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