Above : Painting Of Prime Minister Pitt

It had already been mentioned that, for several years previous to the1798 Insurrection, the project of a legislative union between England and Ireland had been present to the mind of Pitt, and that this was well known to the authorities at Dublin Castle, though carefully concealed from the country at large.

It appears to have been generally believed, in the earlier part of the eighteenth century, that the Irish Parliament would regard a scheme for the merging of its existence in that of the Westminster assembly with favour. In 1703, and again in 1707, the Irish Houses actually petitioned for a Union, which the English Government absolutely refused to even consider.

A few generations later the ideas of the English colonists appear to have changed, or to be changing, and amongst the gentry over the country the project of a Union was viewed with no favour. In 1784 we find the Lord Lieutenant (Rutland) declaring that anyone who suggested a Union would be tarred and feathered ; while, then and later, other Irish officials advised the authorities in London not even to mention a scheme which would be so ill received in Ireland.

It may be that Pitt believed that, in the closing decade of the century, Irish public opinion had, in regard to this matter, undergone a change ; that the general unrest in the country, and finally the Rebellion, might have caused the Protestants to desire a closer connection with England, for the sake of their own safety ; while the Catholics, who were now clamouring for the removal of their remaining disabilities, might see in the proposed legislative union a means of attaining their object. At all event, he resolved, after the suppression of the Insurrection, to proceed with his scheme without delay.

On the support, or at least acquiescence of the Catholics, the English Minister relied much. He was aware that from the leaders of the Patriot Party in Parliament he had nothing to expect but the most determined opposition. The Protestant country gentry everywhere, and the Orange Lodges of Ulster, were known to be most unfavourable. the strength of the resolutions which they passed declaring their abhorrence of the attempt which was being made to deprive Ireland of her native Parliament.

While thus the opposition of the Irish Protestants was, taking them a whole, likely to be decided and active, the support of the Irish Catholics was problematic, would be lukewarm at best, and might not impossibly be withdrawn entirely, if they should become convinced that the proposed measure would not be to their advantage. The members of the Catholic hierarchy generally favoured the Union project, hoping that its realisation would be advantageous to the members of their flock, and would ameliorate the position of their Church. Some supported very strongly, while none actually opposed. At this period, however, neither the Catholic ecclesiastical authorities nor the parochial clergy were in the habit of putting themselves prominently forward in public matters not directly concerned with religion.

Amongst the lay Catholics of the upper and middle classes there was decided hostility to Pitt’s scheme. A few peers, as Lord Fingal and Lord Kenmare, indeed supported it, but they had little influence with their co-religionists, whose views were voiced rather by the Catholic Committee. This body appeared not to have altered its views since the time when, after Earl Fitzwilliam’s recall (1795), it declared officially that it would reject even Catholic Emancipation if a Legislative Union were to be the price paid for it.